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Monday, August 15, 2016

United Nation Peacekeeping Troops in South Sudan Sit Idle While Aid Workers Are Raped, Murdered, and Beaten Nearby

World

Rampaging South Sudan troops raped foreigners, killed local

Jason Patinkin, Associated Press,Associated Press 

NAIROBI, Kenya (AP) -- The soldier pointed his AK-47 at the female aid worker and gave her a choice.
"Either you have sex with me, or we make every man here rape you and then we shoot you in the head," she remembers him saying.
She didn't really have a choice. By the end of the evening, she had been raped by 15 South Sudanese soldiers.
On July 11, South Sudanese troops, fresh from winning a battle in the capital, Juba, over opposition forces, went on a nearly four-hour rampage through a residential compound popular with foreigners, in one of the worst targeted attacks on aid workers in South Sudan's three-year civil war. They shot dead a local journalist while forcing the foreigners to watch, raped several foreign women, singled out Americans, beat and robbed people and carried out mock executions, several witnesses told The Associated Press.
For hours throughout the assault, the U.N. peacekeeping force stationed less than a mile away refused to respond to desperate calls for help. Neither did embassies, including the U.S. Embassy.
The Associated Press interviewed by phone eight survivors, both male and female, including three who said they were raped. The other five said they were beaten; one was shot. Most insisted on anonymity for their safety or to protect their organizations still operating in South Sudan.
The accounts highlight, in raw detail, the failure of the U.N. peacekeeping force to uphold its core mandate of protecting civilians, notably those just a few minutes' drive away. The Associated Press previously reported that U.N. peacekeepers in Juba did not stop the rapes of local women by soldiers outside the U.N.'s main camp last month.
The attack on the Terrain hotel complex shows the hostility toward foreigners and aid workers by troops under the command of South Sudan's President Salva Kiir, who has been fighting supporters of rebel leader Riek Machar since civil war erupted in December 2013. Both sides have been accused of abuses. The U.N. recently passed a U.S.-sponsored resolution to send more peacekeeping troops to protect civilians.
Army spokesman Lul Ruai did not deny the attack at the Terrain but said it was premature to conclude the army was responsible. "Everyone is armed, and everyone has access to uniforms and we have people from other organized forces, but it was definitely done by people of South Sudan and by armed people of Juba," he said.
A report on the incident compiled by the Terrain's owner at Ruai's request, seen by the AP, alleges the rapes of at least five women, torture, mock executions, beatings and looting. An unknown number of South Sudanese women were also assaulted.
The attack came just as people in Juba were thinking the worst was over.
Three days earlier, gunfire had erupted outside the presidential compound between armed supporters of the two sides in South Sudan's civil war, at the time pushed together under an uneasy peace deal. The violence quickly spread across the city.
Throughout the weekend, bullets whizzed through the Terrain compound, a sprawling complex with a pool, squash court and a bar patronized by expats and South Sudanese elites. It is also in the shadow of the U.N.'s largest camp in Juba.
By Monday, the government had nearly defeated the forces under Machar, who fled the city. As both sides prepared to call for a cease-fire, some residents of the Terrain started to relax.
"Monday was relatively chill," one survivor said.
What was thought to be celebratory gunfire was heard. And then the soldiers arrived. A Terrain staffer from Uganda said he saw between 80 and 100 men pour into the compound after breaking open the gate with gunshots and tire irons. The Terrain's security guards were armed only with shotguns and were vastly outnumbered. The soldiers then went to door to door, taking money, phones, laptops and car keys.
"They were very excited, very drunk, under the influence of something, almost a mad state, walking around shooting off rounds inside the rooms," one American said.
One man wore a blue police uniform, but the rest wore camouflage, the American said. Many had shoulder patches with the face of a tiger, the insignia worn by the president's personal guard.
For about an hour, soldiers beat the American with belts and the butts of their guns and accused him of hiding rebels. They fired bullets at his feet and close to his head. Eventually, one soldier who appeared to be in charge told him to leave the compound. Soldiers at the gate looked at his U.S. passport and handed it back, with instructions.
"You tell your embassy how we treated you," they said. He made his way to the nearby U.N. compound and appealed for help.
Meanwhile, soldiers were breaking into a two-story apartment block in the Terrain which had been deemed a safe house because of a heavy metal door guarding the apartments upstairs. Warned by a Kenyan staffer, more than 20 people inside, most of them foreigners, tried to hide. About 10 squeezed into a single bathroom.
The building shook as soldiers shot at the metal door and pried metal bars off windows for more than an hour, said residents. Once inside, the soldiers started ransacking the rooms and assaulting people they found.
Some of the soldiers were violent as they sexually assaulted women, said the woman who said she was raped by 15 men. Others, who looked to be just 15 or 16 years old, looked scared and were coerced into the act.
"One in particular, he was calling you, 'Sweetie, we should run away and get married.' It was like he was on a first date," the woman said. "He didn't see that what he was doing was a bad thing."
After about an hour and a half, the soldiers broke into the bathroom. They shot through the door, said Jesse Bunch, an American contractor who was hit in the leg.
"We kill you! We kill you!" the soldiers shouted, according to a Western woman in the bathroom. "They would shoot up at the ceiling and say, 'Do you want to die?' and we had to answer 'No!'"
The soldiers then pulled people out one by one. One woman said she was sexually assaulted by multiple men. Another Western woman said soldiers beat her with fists and threatened her with their guns when she tried to resist. She said five men raped her.
During the attack on the Terrain, several survivors told the AP that soldiers specifically asked if they were American. "One of them, as soon as he said he was American, he was hit with a rifle butt," said a woman.
When the soldiers came across John Gatluak, they knew he was local. The South Sudanese journalist worked for Internews, a media development organization funded by USAID. He had taken refuge at the Terrain after being briefly detained a few days earlier. The tribal scars on his forehead made it obvious he was Nuer, the same as opposition leader, Riek Machar.
Upon seeing him, the soldiers pushed him to the floor and beat him, according to the same woman who saw the American beaten.
Later in the attack, and after Kiir's side declared a ceasefire at 6 p.m., the soldiers forced the foreigners to stand in a semi-circle, said Gian Libot, a Philippines citizen who spent much of the attack under a bed until he was discovered.
One soldier ranted against foreigners. "He definitely had pronounced hatred against America," Libot said, recalling the soldier's words: "You messed up this country. You're helping the rebels. The people in the U.N., they're helping the rebels."
During the tirade, a soldier hit a man suspected of being American with a rifle butt. At one point, the soldier threatened to kill all the foreigners assembled. "We're gonna show the world an example," Libot remembered him saying.
Then Gatluak was hauled in front of the group. One soldier shouted "Nuer," and another soldier shot him twice in the head. He shot the dying Gatluak four more times while he lay on the ground.
"All it took was a declaration that he was different, and they shot him mercilessly," Libot said.
The shooting seemed to be a turning point for those assembled outside, Libot said. Looting and threats continued, but beatings started to draw to a close. Other soldiers continued to assault men and women inside the apartment block.
From the start of the attack, those inside the Terrain compound sent messages pleading for help by text and Facebook messages and emails.
"All of us were contacting whoever we could contact. The U.N., the U.S. embassy, contacting the specific battalions in the U.N., contacting specific departments," said the woman raped by 15 men.
A member of the U.N.'s Joint Operations Center in Juba first received word of the attack at 3:37 p.m., minutes after the breach of the compound, according to an internal timeline compiled by a member of the operations center and seen by AP.
Eight minutes later another message was sent to a different member of the operations center from a person inside Terrain saying that people were hiding there. At 4:22 p.m., that member received another message urging help.
Five minutes after that, the U.N. mission's Department of Safety and Security and its military command wing were alerted. At 4:33 p.m., a Quick Reaction Force, meant to intervene in emergencies, was informed. One minute later, the timeline notes the last contact on Monday from someone trapped inside Terrain.
For the next hour and a half the timeline is blank. At 6:52, shortly before sunset, the timeline states that "DSS would not send a team."
About 20 minutes later, a Quick Reaction Force of Ethiopians from the multinational U.N. mission was tasked to intervene, coordinating with South Sudan's army chief of staff, Paul Malong, who was also sending soldiers. But the Ethiopian battalion stood down, according to the timeline. Malong's troops eventually abandoned their intervention too because it took too long for the Quick Reaction Force to act.
The American who was released early in the assault and made it to the U.N. base said he also alerted U.N. staff. At around dusk, a U.N. worker he knew requested three different battalions to send a Quick Reaction Force.
"Everyone refused to go. Ethiopia, China, and Nepal. All refused to go," he said.
Eventually, South Sudanese security forces entered the Terrain and rescued all but three Western women and around 16 Terrain staff.
No one else was sent that night to find them. The U.N. timeline said a patrol would go in the morning, but this "was cancelled due to priority." A private security firm rescued the three Western women the staffers the next morning.
When asked why the U.N. peacekeeping mission didn't respond to the repeated requests for help, acting spokeswoman Yasmina Bouziane said the circumstances are under investigation.
"The peacekeepers did not venture out of the bases to protect civilians under imminent threat," Human Rights Watch said Monday in a report on abuses throughout Juba.
The U.S. Embassy, which also received requests for help during the attack, did not respond to repeated requests for comment.
The assault at the Terrain pierced a feeling of security among some foreigners who had assumed that they would be protected by their governments or the hundreds of U.N. peacekeepers almost next door.
One of the women gang-raped said security advisers from an aid organization living in the compound told residents repeatedly that they were safe because foreigners would not be targeted. She said: "This sentence, 'We are not targeted,' I heard half an hour before they assaulted us."

Why didn't the United Nations Peacekeeping troops come to the aid of these workers? Was it because most of them were American? 

I would hope that those responsible for these war crimes are held accountable. The lives they have ruined by their cowardly acts against unarmed men and women will never be the same. 

Why wouldn't the UN Embassy order the troops to stop the rampage? 

                         
                          and the International Criminal Court  http://www.icj-cij.org/homepage/mail.php 

to let the United Nations know that this kind of  Refusal to Protect Innocent Civilians will not be tolerated. Demand an investigation.  

Sunday, August 7, 2016

Why People Hate Police Officers and Other Authority Figures

            

                  In the United States of America, our jails, prisons, and mental institutions incarcerate more people than any other country in the world. Arresting people has become a huge business that supports millions of people.
                From personal experience, the main reason that courts exist is to limit the freedom of the masses by imperiling the alleged offender with financial penalties for non-compliance to ever restricting laws, or by punishing the alleged offender with the severe reduction or elimination of their rights of personal freedom.
                The ability of those who are actors on behalf of the punitive system to overstep and abuse the rights and inherent privileges given to every man, woman, and child born on this planet in substantial. Over the past fifty years, the actors who are part of the punitive system, have created new rights and abilities for other actors of the punitive system to abuse the rights of their fellow citizens.
                The mere fact that the courts and political bodies around the world think that authority figures can or will properly conduct themselves in such a manner that they will treat their fellow citizens with respect, honor, and dignity, and not abuse the human rights of their fellow citizens is foolhardy at best.
                 In the United States, police and the court system are openly prejudiced against those of the male gender, the poor, those that drive older cars, and those who are not of their own race. The police forces in the United States are abhorrently biased against those who they see as "less intelligent" as they are. However, according to recent hiring and postings by thousands of police departments across the United States, the IQ scores of most police officers is between 70 and 110, far from genius, and nearer to their cave man ancestors.
                A majority of police officers and bounty hunters openly flaunt their abuses of their authority on television shows and networks such as Alaska Highway Patrol, COPS, Spike TV, A & E, JAIL, Bounty Hunters, Forensic Files, National Geographic and other television shows and networks.
                  One of the most openly abusive jails shown on the television show JAIL is the Las Vegas, Nevada Jail whose sheriff and deputies are openly sadistic to the inmates in their custody. The take downs on the floor, the abusive language, the unprofessional conduct of the officers, the physical attacks and unnecessary restraints caused by the deputies escalating. The verbal abuse of the inmates by nearly every deputy shown on the show is highly disturbing. Officers tell people to "shut up," yell at them, push them, attack them unprovoked, and generally abuse the human rights of the inmates. This is 2016, not the 1500s.
                 While police officers face violence on the streets as part of their job, the way that they approach their fellow citizens can either calm or escalate the situation. Just as the verbal abuse and ridicule of their handcuffed prisoners caused the prisoners to defend their reputations by striking out at the offending deputies, had the deputies demonstrated respect for the rights of the inmates, allowed the situation to deescalate on its own, the fact that the officers continue to threaten violence and in fact physically escalate a majority of the incidents between themselves and the inmates does not demonstrate proper interaction or professionalism.
                   I, myself have been laughed at, threatened with bodily harm, and called names by law enforcement officers. In July of 2013, a Fairborn, Ohio police officer stopped me for an alleged loud exhaust. He then proceeded to write a turn signal violation. He then radioed a buddy deputy sheriff to bring a K-9 unit, as he had made arrangements for ALL of his traffic stops to involve the K-9 officer. He then searched my car without a warrant or probable cause as, under Ohio law, he was traveling too close (within 100 feet, to give me a turn signal violation). My exhaust was inspected by a muffler shop owner who appeared in court, but the judge refused to allow him to testify. The court refused his signed and notarized affidavit as well.
                  When the matter did go to court, the police officer had falsified and split edited the video of the traffic stop to make it appear that the stop was legal. After the traffic stop, the Greene County, Ohio Sheriff Deputy had his dog, a German shepherd false alert on my car by tapping my car with a scented dog bone. The dog went to the bone and wagged his tail. The three officers (including two deputies) then used the false alert to search my car while I was directed to stand in public view with my hands clasped behind my head as if I was guilty.
                    In Fairborn, Ohio, the police department of 24 officers write so many traffic tickets that they provide jobs for (76) seventy-six administrative and court employees of the Fairborn, Ohio Municipal court.
                   I have been called assinine, stupid, ignorant, and foolish by police officers, deputies, and State Highway Patrol Officers, each of whom had incidence reports written of their abuse of their authority and my constitutional and human rights. The charges were then investigated, I was threatened by the officers, and additional charges were filed against them. The investigations were swept under the rug by every law enforcement agency.
             I have been lied about by the Ohio Attorney General, eight Assistant Attorney Generals in Ohio in a federal civil rights case, a United States bribe taking Magistrate in Dayton, lawyers of defendants to federal, state, and local lawsuits in Ohio. I have had judges in Clark County, Ohio accept bribes and then change their rulings. Of course, they called their bribes "campaign contributions." 
                    I have had people swear to me that Sheriff Gene Kelly of Clark County, Ohio was a Heroin dealer and that he and his deputies openly stole from the evidence room major drug quantities. In fact, in one case 88 pounds of marijuana disappeared overnight.  Another deputy was seen on video snorting cocaine at a drug dealer's apartment in New Carlisle, Ohio (my hometown). The worst mistake that New Carlisle officials have made was allowing the corrupt Sheriff's office to take over policing in their small city. The number of drug crimes has escalated, including the murder of a known heroin dealer who partnered with Sheriff Kelly and his head Lieutenant. 
                     In Ohio, if you go to court without an attorney on a criminal charge and are appointed an attorney, the attorney most likely will fail to, or refuse to conduct an investigation or even to seek out witnesses for your defense, as the court appointed attorneys work for, and are paid by the State of Ohio to resolve the case, (usually by plea bargaining against the interests of their clients). 
                     In a civil case, the court and the defense attorneys will unfairly abuse your right to a fair and impartial hearing of the facts by ruling against you on the most trivial of matters, then use that triviality to dismiss the entire case.Attorneys can perjure themselves, swear false affidavits, have their clients swear false affidavits and even lie during depositions without a judge upholding the law and charging the offenders with contempt of court. 
                     In the United States, more than a hundred people per year are "murdered" by police officers, are unarmed, are not threatening the officer(s), and are not criminally charged because of the corrupt investigations (conducted in house) by a biased committee. As video evidence has clearly demonstrated in more than hundred cases, the law enforcement officers escalated the incident, provoked the events leading to the death of a fellow citizen, and then the cover up and blaming the deceased person begins by the police officers.  

                      The CATO Institute conducted a 2010 research project on Police Brutality and Crimes by Police in general. Some of the findings are included below. 

                     The CATO Institute admits that NOT ALL CASES OF POLICE CRIMES were included in the research. By my estimate, the CATO numbers should be increased five to seven fold to include underreported crimes committed by and covered up by police officers and prosecutors across the United States. As the CATO institute includes only felony crimes committed by Police Officers, and perjury, intimidation, threatening with bodily harm, ridicule, harassment, and other non-violent abuses of their authority were not included. 


Contents
  1. Introduction
  2. Summary
  3. Misconduct By Type
    1. Excessive Force
    2. Sexual Misconduct
    3. The Drug War Effect
  4. Misconduct Per Capita
    1. Geographic Distribution
  5. Misconduct Trending
  6. Prosecuting Police Misconduct
  7. Conclusion
  8. About
Introduction
This is the 2010 National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project (NPMSRP) Police Misconduct Statistical Report. This report is the result of data captured from January 2010 through December 2010 by the NPMSRP consisting of reports that meet credibility criteria which have been gathered from multiple media sources throughout the United States. For more information about the NPMSRP, the process used to gather data on police misconduct, and other information about our reporting process please visit our FAQ page or About page. You can also review older statistical reports and ancillary reports here.
Summary
From January 2010 through December 2010 the National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project recorded 4,861 unique reports of police misconduct that involved 6,613 sworn law enforcement officers and 6,826 alleged victims.
  • 4,861 – Unique reports of police misconduct tracked
  • 6,613 – Number of sworn law enforcement officers involved (354 were agency leaders such as chiefs or sheriffs)
  • 6,826 – Number of alleged victims involved
  • 247 – Number of fatalities associated with tracked reports
  • $346,512,800 – Estimated amount spent on misconduct-related civil judgments and settlements excluding sealed settlements, court costs, and attorney fees.
Misconduct by Type
Of the 6,613 law enforcement officers involved in reported allegations of misconduct that met NPMSRP criteria for tracking purposes, 1,575 were involved in excessive force reports, which were the most prominent type of report at 23.8% of all reports. This was followed by sexual misconduct complaints at 9.3% of officers reported then theft/fraud/robbery allegations involving 7.2% of all officers reported. The following chart displays the breakdown of misconduct types by percentage of reports and the number of reports each by type.

Figure 2. Police misconduct by type
Excessive Force


Figure 3. Map displaying number of officers involved in excessive force cases within 2010. (clicking on the top right corner of this map will bring up an interactive map or view all our maps at www.targetmap.com)
Of all 1,575 officers involved in reported excessive force complaints, 897 (56.9%) were involved in cases of physical use of force complaints which include fist strikes, throws, choke holds, baton strikes, and other physical attacks. 232 officers (14.7%) were involved in firearm-related excessive force complaints, 166 (10.6%) were involved in taser-related cases, and the remaining officers were involved in other cases involving a combination of force types (13.21%), use of police dogs (1.7%), police vehicles (0.4%), and chemical weapons (2.4%).

Figure 4. Excessive Force by Type
There have been 127 fatalities associated with credible excessive force allegations within 2010, which means approximately 8.1% of reported excessive force cases involved fatalities. Of these excessive force fatalities, 91 were caused by firearms, 19 were caused by physical force, 11 by taser, and 6 by other causes.
*Note: fatalities listed are only those involved in cases where excessive force or unnecessary force was reported. This does not include all fatalities related to police use of force.

Figure 5. Excessive Force Fatalities by Type
Sexual Misconduct
Officer-involved sexual misconduct describes an entire subset of police misconduct that includes non-criminal complaints such as consensual sexual activity that occurs while an officer is on-duty, sexual harassment, up to felony acts of sexual assault or child molestation. Sexual misconduct was the second most common form of misconduct reported throughout 2010 with 618 officers involved in sexual misconduct complaints during that period, 354 of which were involved in complaints that involved forcible non-consensual sexual activity such as sexual assault or sexual battery (RAPE).

Figure 6. Officers involved with sexual misconduct by percentage of incidents involving children or adults.
Of the officers associated with reports of serious sexual misconduct, 51% (180) were involved with reports that involved minors and 49% (174) involved adults.

Figure 7. Alleged victims of officer-involved sexual assaults by age.
However, of the 479 alleged victims of serious sexual misconduct which were tracked, 52% (249) were minors and 48% (230) were adults. This would appear to indicate that minors are victims of alleged serial offenders slightly more often than adults. Of the 354 officers involved with serious sexual misconduct reports, 56 law enforcement officers were involved in allegations where multiple victims were involved.
The Drug War Effect
Per a request from representatives of the Law Enforcement Against Prohibition (LEAP) group, which consists of law enforcement officers who believe current drug policies in the US have failed and are causing more harm than good, we have examined how the drug war impacts police misconduct rates through our statistical analysis. This was a difficult undertaking because some laws and policies enacted as part of the US “war on drugs” have far-reaching impact that extends beyond cases that directly involve illicit drugs. Because of this, we limited our analysis to reports that had some sort of direct correlation to drug policies for this year’s report but may conduct a more thorough analysis at some later date.
According to our 2010 data:
  • Approximately 11% of the reports tracked this year involved US drug policies.
  • 698 Law enforcement officers were involved in reported misconduct that involved drugs in some way.
  • 343 of those law enforcement officers were criminally charged, convicted, or sentenced for those incidents.
  • At least 7 lives were lost due to misconduct involving drug laws.
  • At least $11,220,000 was spent in civil litigation due to drug law related police misconduct.
Misconduct Per Capita



Figure 8. Map displaying the Police Misconduct Rate by state. (clicking on the top right corner of this map will redirect to an interactive map or view all our maps at www.targetmap.com)
The current US average projected police misconduct rate is an estimated 977.98 officers per 100,000 officers (mean 909.31 per 100k) as calculated using data gathered from all of 2010. This is also a very slight decrease over last year’s estimated average of 980.64 officers per 100k however the 2009 rate was projected using data gathered only from the final three quarters of that year so yearly trending information is still too unreliable for analysis.

Figure 9. Police misconduct rate by state with corresponding number of officers involved per state.
When current data is filtered to examine only incidents that can be classified as violent crimes as specified per the US FBI/DOJ Uniform Crime Reporting standards and then compared with the 2009 FBI/DOJ UCR Crime in the United States report as a per capita general population and per capita law enforcement basis the results indicate that overall violent crime rates are not too divergent between the two population groups with a difference of only 20.1 per 100k point between the two. However, there appear to be some more significant differences at a more granular level with robbery rates for police far below those reported for the general population but sexual assault rates are significantly higher for police when compared to the general population.

Figure 10. Violent Crime Rate comparison between general population UCR data and law enforcement population NPMSRP data.
While the rate of police officers officially charged with murder is only 1.06% higher than the current general population murder rate, if excessive force complaints involving fatalities were prosecuted as murder the murder rate for law enforcement officers would exceed the general population murder rate by 472%.
Geographic Distribution
On a state by state basis, 22 states currently have a police misconduct rate above the US average of 977.98 per 100k. On the opposite end of the spectrum, the states showing the lowest misconduct rates include Kansas with a rate of 295.81, Maine with 355.40, Virginia at 447.52, Arkansas with 467.74 and Iowa with a rate of 568.07 per 100,000.
Here are the 22 states with misconduct rates currently above average:
Rank
State
LEO Reported
Officers Reported per 100k officers
Transparency Index
30
SC
95
993.62
0.92
31
OH
227
1026.68
0.93
32
HI
31
1036.79
0.91
33
FL
477
1081.19
0.77
34
NH
28
1101.93
0.60
35
AZ
143
1102.46
0.87
36
UT
54
1128.53
1.13
37
MN
106
1193.42
1.30
38
VT
13
1212.69
1.33
39
PA
310
1239.50
1.58
40
CO
151
1281.29
1.75
41
CT
111
1287.40
1.20
42
OR
78
1292.46
1.48
43
IN
148
1317.55
0.77
44
TN
226
1422.28
0.98
45
NM
64
1430.17
0.74
46
AK
19
1505.55
1.67
47
OK
129
1623.05
1.10
48
WV
60
1726.12
1.16
49
MS
94
1735.28
1.64
50
MT
31
1741.57
1.09
51
LA
198
1777.38
1.15
Figure 11. States with misconduct rates above the US average.
(Note: This chart includes our “Transparency Index” which is a method under development to rank agencies or states according to how transparent misconduct reporting appears to be in order to determine if data reported is under-reported or closer to actual rates. The current average index is 1.14 and 0.0 is the most transparent.
At the agency level the NPMSRP splits groupings by agency size in order to reduce the effect that small sample sets in agencies with fewer officers might have on the resultant rankings. Currently this split divides agencies into four different groups with the first including agencies with 1,000 sworn law enforcement officers or more. The second grouping includes agencies with between 500 and 999 officers, then 100 to 499, and finally 50 to 99 officers. We do not rank agencies that have fewer than 50 officers since the sample sets for those agencies are too small for reliable comparative statistical analysis.
1000+ Officer Agency Rates
The following chart displays the 20 agencies with 1,000 or more sworn law enforcement officers with the highest misconduct rates for that group of agencies:

Agency
State
Officer Pop
Civil Population
# Reported
Misconduct Rate
1
New Orleans
LA
1448
18,264
73
5041.44
2
Denver
CO
1,510
604,680
62
4105.96
3
Atlanta
GA
1,506
552,901
61
4050.46
4
Prince George’s County Police
MD
1,564

39
2493.61
5
Fort Worth
TX
1,502
723,456
37
2463.38
6
Indianapolis
IN
1,619
813,471
34
2100.06
7
Seattle
WA
1,351
602,531
27
1998.52
8
Louisville Metro
KY
1,206
631,260
23
1907.13
9
Detroit
MI
2,930
908,441
54
1843.00
10
Phoenix
AZ
3,279
1,597,397
60
1829.83
11
Dallas
TX
3,577
1,290,266
62
1733.30
12
Orange County
CA
1,807

30
1660.21
13
Newark
NJ
1,297
279,203
21
1619.12
14
Jacksonville
FL
1,746
810,064
28
1603.67
15
Baltimore
MD
3,013
638,755
46
1526.72
16
Albuquerque
NM
1,087
530,636
16
1471.94
17
Cincinnati
OH
1,113
333,568
16
1437.56
18
Miami
FL
1,124
419,205
16
1423.49
19
Milwaukee
WI
1,921
604,673
27
1405.52
20
Nashville
TN
1,433
610,176
20
1395.67

500 – 999 Officer Agency Rates
The following chart displays the 20 agencies with between 500 to 999 sworn law enforcement officers with the highest misconduct rates for that group of agencies:

Agency
State
Officer Pop
Civil Population
# Reported
Misconduct Rate
1
Lee County
FL
566

36
6360.42
2
Pittsburgh
PA
914
312,232
58
6345.73
3
Tulsa
OK
812
384,851
42
5172.41
4
Minneapolis
MN
888
382,618
37
4166.67
5
Montgomery
AL
501
202,818
17
3393.21
6
Portland
OR
957
560,908
32
3343.78
7
Oakland
CA
793
404,553
23
2900.38
8
Maricopa County
AZ
746

20
2680.97
9
WV Highway Patrol
WV
613

16
2610.11
10
Collier County
FL
609

14
2298.85
11
Marion County
IN
500

11
2200.00
12
Bexar County
TX
537

10
1862.20
13
St. Petersburg
FL
540
244,933
10
1851.85
14
Fresno
CA
827
481,370
15
1813.78
15
Toledo
OH
604
291,066
10
1655.63
16
Mesa
AZ
801
470,833
13
1622.97
17
Kern County
CA
856

13
1518.69
18
Buffalo
NY
796
268,655
12
1507.54
19
Mobile
AL
543
246,171
8
1473.30
20
Anne Arundel County Police
MD
641

9
1404.06

100 – 499 Officer Agency Rates
The following chart displays the 20 agencies with between 100 to 499 sworn law enforcement officers with the highest misconduct rates for that group of agencies:

Agency
State
Officer Pop
Civil Population
# Reported
Misconduct Rate
1
Galveston
TX
154
57,040
23
14935.06
2
Bethlehem
PA
159
72,349
22
13836.48
3
West Jordan
UT
103
107,113
14
13592.23
4
Arvada
CO
159
107,943
20
12578.62
5
Hackensack
NJ
103
42,801
11
10679.61
6
Riverside
CA
370
299,871
37
10000.00
7
Schenectady
NY
160
61,087
15
9375.00
8
Hattiesburg
MS
121
52,716
11
9090.91
9
Columbia
MO
152
102,588
13
8552.63
10
Burbank
CA
160
103,248
12
7500.00
11
Altamonte Springs
FL
104
39,797
7
6730.77
12
Milwaukee County
WI
449

29
6458.80
13
Grand Junction
CO
109
50,195
7
6422.02
14
Lake County
IL
190

12
6315.79
15
Rialto
CA
111
99,386
7
6306.31
16
Eugene
OR
191
151,383
12
6282.72
17
South Bend
IN
249
103,326
15
6024.10
18
Provo
UT
100
119,472
6
6000.00
19
St. Joseph County
IN
109

6
5504.59
20
Framingham
MA
119
65,478
6
5042.02

50 – 99 Officer Agency Rates
The following chart displays the 20 agencies with between 50 to 99 sworn law enforcement officers with the highest misconduct rates for that group of agencies:

Agency
State
Officer Pop
Civil Population
# Reported
Misconduct Rate
1
East Haven
CT
51
28,633
29
56862.75
2
Other MN state agencies
MN
55

16
29090.91
3
Millville
NJ
81
29,175
15
18518.52
4
Yellowstone County
MT
51

9
17647.06
5
Melrose Park
IL
71
21,712
10
14084.51
6
Sandusky
OH
52
25,461
7
13461.54
7
Muskogee
OK
90
40,197
12
13333.33
8
Elmira
NY
76
29,090
9
11842.11
9
Easton
PA
57
26,065
6
10526.32
10
University of Florida
FL
78

7
8974.359
11
East Lansing
MI
59
45,779
5
8474.58
12
Middletown
CT
97
48,299
8
8247.42
13
Warren
OH
61
43,331
5
8196.72
14
East St. Louis
IL
65
28,479
5
7692.31
15
Richmond
KY
65
33,546
5
7692.31
16
Lorain
OH
93
70,410
7
7526.88
17
Grand Traverse County
MI
67

5
7462.69
18
University of Central Florida
FL
55

4
7272.73
19
Naples
FL
70
21,587
5
7142.86
20
Thibodaux
LA
56
14,012
4
7142.86

Police Misconduct Trending
While the overall US average police misconduct rate appears to be climbing in comparison to both last year’s rate and the previously reported rate 3 months ago it is difficult to see a clear causative factor for the increase and it isn’t clear what type of misconduct is increasing to cause this trend though the number of officers involved in excessive force reports appear to be demonstrating an overall trend increase since the beginning of 2010.
Figure 12. Officers involved in misconduct reports tracked per month.

Figure 13. Officers involved in excessive force reports per month

Figure 14. Officers involved in sexual misconduct reports per month
While overall misconduct appears to be trending higher, disciplinary actions against officers and the number of convictions on criminal charges appear to be relatively flat overall. Also, while conviction rates do not show any correlation with the number of reported officers, internal disciplinary rates do appear to show a very slight matching trend.

Figure 15. Trends for officers reported compared officers disciplined and officers convicted
When examining the trending data on a state by state basis we see that the number of states that appear to have seen an increase in misconduct outnumber states appearing to have a decline by 28 to 24. The largest differentials between 2009 and 2010 have been in Washington DC with a decline of 257% and Hawaii with an increase of 77%. Two factors to consider are that the 2009 rates were based on projections using only 3 quarters worth of data extended out to one year and that Washington DC currently has the worst transparency index in the US which may be indicative of higher than normal under-reporting rates.
Figure 16. Misconduct Rate comparisons by state from 2009 to 2010
Prosecuting Police Misconduct
Per a recent analysis we published this year using data gathered by the NPMSRP from April of 2009 through December of 2010 we determined that prosecuting police misconduct in the US is very problematic with conviction rates, incarceration rates, and the amount of time law enforcement officers spend behind bars for criminal misconduct are all far lower than what happens when ordinary citizens face criminal charges.
From that report we established a baseline by examining the latest data released by the US Bureau of Justice Statistics (BJS) which indicated that the conviction rate for members of the general public who were tried on criminal charges ranged around 68% from 2002 through 2006. Furthermore, the US BJS reports indicated that the incarceration rate remained fairly stable at an average of 70% and the average length of post-conviction incarceration for the general public was 49 months.
For a comparison we used data from our National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project (NPMSRP) which tracked over 8,300 credible reports involving allegations of police misconduct in the US from April of 2009 through December 2010 which involved nearly 11,000 law enforcement officers within those 21 months. Of those reported allegations, only 3,238 resulted in criminal charges against law enforcement officers (about half the prosecution rate of any other citizen)  Of those 3,238 criminal cases against law enforcement officers in the US, only 1,063 officers were ultimately convicted of those charges or reduced charges associated with the original allegations. Of the law enforcement officers who were ultimately convicted, 36% were ultimately sentenced to spend any time incarcerated and the average length of incarceration for those sentenced to prison or jail was approximately 34.6 months.
 

When we examine the same data on a state-by-state basis the results gave us some interesting information. For example, here are the five states with the lowest prosecution rates for law enforcement officers in the US (AVG 32%) and their relative Police Misconduct Rate ranking from lowest to highest:
1.      Washington DC    05% (10th)
2.      Washington    16% (27th)
3.      Vermont        18% (38th)
4.      West Virginia    20% (48th)
5.      Oregon        20% (42th)
And here are the five states with the worst law enforcement conviction rates (AVG 37%) with relative rankings:
1.      Alaska        14% (46th)
2.      Washington    17% (27th)
3.      Connecticut    18% (41th)
4.      Colorado        19% (40th)
5.      Georgia        19% (29th)
6.      New Mexico    19% (45th)
There appears to be a correlation between higher misconduct rates and ineffective prosecution of criminal police misconduct charges when we see how the states with the worst prosecution rates rank in the lower 50th percentile for misconduct (with the exception of Washington DC, however DC’s transparency index is the worst in the nation so that locality’s low misconduct rate may be a result of under-reporting).
For more on our previous analysis on prosecuting police misconduct, refer to our report here.
Conclusion
Due to difficulties associated with 2009 data being an estimated projection based on about 9 months worth of data it’s difficult to say definitively whether police misconduct rates are increasing or decreasing using our methodology. While media reports from a few states this year have indicated that internal audits show a rise in misconduct for those states, too few states release this kind of data in a reliable way. While the national average appears to have decreased slightly, our month-to-month analysis of misconduct allegations show higher numbers in comparison to month-to-month rates for 2009 on average. Also, with states showing an increase over last year’s projected rates outnumbering states that witnessed declines this would seem to indicate that misconduct rates should have been higher this year than last. Another factor to consider is the continuing movement towards less transparency about police misconduct in several states which could be leading to increased under-reporting rates. Unfortunately, and ultimately, we simply need more time to determine what the trends might be.
General responses to police misconduct on a judicial/criminal justice level appear unchanged with no corresponding fluctuations in comparison to monthly changes in the number of officers reported. This, combined with a detailed analysis we performed on 2009 and 2010 data earlier this year, demonstrates a bias built into the justice system which continues to limit prosecutorial effectiveness against law enforcement officers charged with criminal wrongdoing. Accordingly, we will continue to perform comparisons between conviction and incarceration rates in our statistical reports in order to examine the issue further and look to trend that data as well to see if prosecutorial effectiveness has a correlation with misconduct rate trending on state levels.
One of the persistent problems the NPMSRP faces is determining whether reporting rates are abnormally low for any given state or agency based on how effective that agency or that state’s laws are at keeping misconduct information hidden from the public. The NPMSRP is still in the process of refining our “Transparency Index” which can hopefully be used to determine if laws or actions meant to hide misconduct information from the public are affecting rates for a given agency or state.
About
The National Police Misconduct Statistics and Reporting Project began in April of 2009 in order to address the lack of statistical data concerning police misconduct in the United States. Despite becoming a more prominent issue in landscape of American public opinion, police misconduct is still a largely unstudied issue and no other sources of current statistical and trending data exist with which we could use to analyze the nature, persistence, and prominence of police misconduct in America. The NPMSRP has been created to address this gap and, in doing so, hopefully help address the causative factors of police misconduct in the process.
The NPMSRP utilizes the only consistent source of data available for police misconduct information since most states currently have laws that prevent the examination of police misconduct information recorded by individual agencies themselves by the public and no other agency tracks police misconduct data in any publicly available way. Therefore the NPMSRP must rely on media reports of police misconduct in order to gather data for statistical and trending analysis.
Reports of police misconduct are recorded in an internal database where these reports are analyzed at the end of each quarter in order to filter out duplicate reports and adjust for status changes for previously recorded incidents. This filtered data is then used to generate our quarterly and yearly reports which are also tied to a public release of the underlying data for public review. In order to maintain credibility the NPMSRP does not record all reported police misconduct allegations but uses a set of criteria in order to limit recorded reports to only those reports which appear to be credible and which exclude minor internal matters such as tardiness or other minor policy infractions.
Source: CATO Institute